The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at the age of 84, was considered one of the most influential occupants of the vice-presidency in the nation's history. While countless vice-presidents were confined to marginal or ceremonial positions, Cheney held huge influence during the administration of George W Bush, so much so that he was commonly called as the "real president".
Bush disliked this portrayal and said the connection was more complicated. He pointed out that Cheney was deferential, invariably calling him in public settings as President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush disputed even descriptions of their relationship as a collaboration because it indicated that they were on equal footing. In spite of these objections, Cheney viewed the relaxed president malleable on a wide array of governmental choices.
The Aftermath of 9/11
In charge of a contingent of conservative hawks that encompassed military head Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been attending a session at a educational institution in Florida. While Bush traveled to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, commanding the destruction of any non-communicating aircraft heading toward the government building.
Cheney claimed the assaults changed him, making him become determined on retribution. In conjunction with other neo-conservatives, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a occupation of Afghanistan in an effort to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the military action of Iraq, although there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Disputed Decisions
He showed no remorse about the invasion, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis perished, or about the harsh treatment of suspects rounded up after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was predicated on inaccurate intelligence circulated by Cheney, was the proper path to take. "It was the right thing to do then. I had faith at the time and I believe it now."
But during that period, there were opposing views at a high level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the position. "I saw, at the very least," he later wrote "true dereliction, carelessness, and recklessness: in the worst case, lying, incompetence, and dishonesty."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not solely accountable for the Iraq campaign. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for such action. He had drafted a memo outlining circumstances in which national priorities might be compromised (including "obtaining essential resources, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the US should be prepared to act independently when cooperative measures cannot be orchestrated," specifically citing defense operations against Iraq.
Bush too had arrived in the presidency somewhat determined on implementing what his parent had notably declined to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. Subsequent to he had been fired by the administration, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his intention of reducing America's participation in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and suggested military action against Iraq.
Bush bore a private grievance against Saddam, believing he had been behind a scheme to kill his father, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He also resented that one of the most prominent accommodations in Baghdad had a ground design with a portrait of his father's visage that each person had to walk over.
Questioning Techniques
But it was Cheney who was among the most vociferous advocating invading Iraq, repeatedly citing agency briefings that were both weak or completely inaccurate. He endorsed what the Bush administration euphemistically referred to as "intensive questioning", the employment of waterboarding and torture.
Answering a Senate document in 2014 that determined that no useful information had been obtained through the harsh techniques, Cheney rejected the report as "full of crap". He told Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to implement measures and establish programmes to capture the individuals who took the lives of 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it never happened again. That is precisely what they did and they deserve a lot of credit."
Public Persona
Cheney enjoyed labels imposed on him by opponents such as the dark character and The Prince of Darkness, and by the notion that he was a shadow power directing Bush. In the journalist's 2013 book about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Is it me who is the evil genius in the corner that nobody ever sees leave his lair? It's a advantageous way to work, actually."
Commercial Ties
Controversy over his corporate affiliations accompanied him through his period as VP. While he had limited background in corporate affairs but strong connections in military, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's biggest oil and gas corporations, in 1995 as chairman and CEO.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's running mate for the presidency. Controversially, during the military campaign, Halliburton was given US agreements totaling multiple billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly earnings during his tenure at the firm grew from his quarter-million dollars during his time as military head to millions. When he resigned in 2000 he had a compensation package valued at in excess of $20m|twenty
